The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks

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In other words, the legal pluralist critique rests ultimately on the apparent truism for all but legal philosophers that the etiology of social life is complex. So far all of this is familiar territory. How, then, has the concept of legal pluralism been adapted to the exigencies of globalization? The first is to see globalization as a catalyst or a compounding factor for the kind of normative pluralism just described.

Normative pluralism is, empirically speaking, the standard case for the analysis of social life. Yet in an interconnected world of rapid communication, global markets, hypermobility of people, capital, goods and ideas, norms diffuse more easily, clashes between worldviews become more likely, and the opportunities and technological tools for social interaction are greatly enhanced, at the expense of central states to control the normative environment of its subjects.

According to this view, the challenge to jurisprudence is structurally similar to earlier variants of legal pluralism. Specifically, it challenges both the normativity claims of jurisprudence as well as the appropriateness of its methodology for understanding legal phenomena in a global context. We will consider this line of argument in section 4. The second way in which globalization and legal pluralism have been linked is more specifically concerned with legal phenomena, rather than simply the proliferation of normative pluralism.

Many of these institutionalized systems are nominally private, being only loosely related to state-law, yet in practice frequently straddle the line between the public and the private sphere. This is true, for instance, for standard setting bodies such as the ISO, private certification organizations that nevertheless wield large degrees of influence in specific sectors such as the financial ratings agencies 29 x See e.

Likosky Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, Held Oxford: Polity, , This concept of global legal pluralism poses significant challenges for the concept of institutionality within jurisprudence. In section 5, we will consider recent scholarship that takes aim at this dimension of jurisprudence in light of global legal pluralism. Traditional legal pluralism directed its criticism mainly at two aspects of jurisprudence.


First, with regards to method , it dismissed its idiosyncratic understanding of descriptiveness as a misnomer: from the perspective of empirically informed social inquiry, the kind of speculative and conceptual inquiry typical of jurisprudence is descriptive in name only. Second, with regards to substance , legal pluralism argues that any plausible empirical account of norm-governed social life cannot be limited to an investigation of state legal norms alone. The two points are sides of the same coin.

The non-empirical, conceptual bent of jurisprudence that takes the primacy of state-law for granted is part cause, part consequence of its inability to properly accommodate the insights of empirical research. One current strand of global legal pluralism can be read as an extension of this line of thought, noting that globalization can create the kind of social dynamic that reinforces tendencies towards normative pluralism that have long been present in society.

Globalization, on this view, is a catalyst for legal pluralism. There are a variety of ways in which globalization can reinforce tendencies towards legal pluralism. Such processes are neither unidirectional nor one-dimensional. In some cases, authors have focussed on the role of relatively small and cohesive communities and how they are utilising modern communication technologies to organize themselves across borders. The embedded, bottom-up and communal norms that characterize daily life for most people can in such cases be strengthened rather than threatened by globalization.

Small communities that would otherwise find themselves singled out as minorities and their communal norms under threat can forge transnational solidarities and social media to consolidate their positions by joining forces with like-minded groups across the world and by mustering support for their causes in popular media. Held Cambridge: Polity, , Thus, according to this view, globalization is a catalyst for normative pluralism more generally through a variety of causal mechanisms: enabling cross-distance communication, allowing for transnational solidarities as well as provoking resistance against external pressures for normative conformity or political adaption.

Another way to put the point is to observe that globalization ruptures the close association between space and norm. Aman Jr. The main point to note about this argumentative strategy is that globalization is somewhat unremarkable in all of this, in the sense that all the traditional arguments against jurisprudence apply with the same force in the context of globalization.

Any general theory of law that excludes non-state normative phenomena from its analysis is likely to suffer from an inability to adequately explain actually observed social behaviour. A number of excerpts from recent writing on legal theory and globalization should demonstrate how many authors latch onto precisely this point. Jurisprudence, says Twining, has bypassed the fact that. There are many phenomena, which can be subsumed under the umbrella of non-state law, that are appropriate subject-matters of our discipline that would be excluded or distorted by so narrow a focus, such as various forms and traditions of religious or customary law.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Many early critics of jurisprudential thought, such as Ehrlich, Malinowski and Pound, basically conceived of the law as those normative standards of conduct that were manifested in the actual behaviour of concrete social groups. Often, according to many: most of the time those normative standards are not those of the state. However, general jurisprudence assumes — uncritically and with little or no empirical justification — that the primary rules of obligation of the state are typically successful at maintaining social order, even if in actuality social order is most commonly maintained by a variety of other mechanisms of social control, ranging from local customs and religious norms, to various forms of social control exerted through churches, labour unions, schools, universities and so forth.

The view emphasized by these critics is. This view of law led them to reject the notion that law is connected to the state. The state-centrism of general jurisprudence is exemplified by the assumption that the primary rules of obligation manifested in the actual conduct of agents are congruous with those rules promulgated by the state: an assumption that is by no means necessarily the case, and must follow rather than precede empirical inquiry. From the legal pluralist perspective,.

On the contrary, the nature of law, as of any other social phenomenon, is something to be learned in the course of inquiry. It is an outcome, not a starting point. That canon is violated when law is characterized unidimensionally or is said to possess invariant attributes. The primary behavioural norms of the state may or may not be a factor in the observed conduct of social groups, but this is not something that can be assumed.

William Twining makes the point as follows:. The central concern is with the development of adequate ways of expressing law and talking about law across legal orders, jurisdictions, levels, traditions, and cultures — ranging from comparison of two or more contexts to genuinely global generalizations. Concepts can aid the process of description, but they are not themselves descriptive. Concepts mediate between the observer and the observed, but cannot stand in for actual knowledge about how law actually operates, which can only be acquired through sustained empirical inquiry.

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We might thus reasonably expect the burgeoning literature on globalization and state-decline to be a welcome complement to longstanding efforts to assail the dominance of state-law in legal theory. One of the ironies about the current state of the legal theory and globalization debate is that the latter is treated as further confirmation that the legal pluralist critique had been right all along. State-law is not, and never has been, the all-powerful and omnipotent Leviathan ruling over society.

Rather, the normative infrastructure of society has always been far more complex and diverse, with social processes being governed by norms drawn from a wide range of different sources, whether they be the norms of culture, morality, civility, family, the workplace, the industry sector, etc. The fact that globalization is being invoked more broadly to assail the primacy of the nation-state in other areas is taken as a vindication of an insight that had held sway in the more narrow confines of empirically oriented socio-legal theory for several decades.

But the other side to the legal pluralist approach is that globalization functions less as an independent object of inquiry, but rather as a kind of catalyst: increasing flows of global migration simply create more sources of trans-cultural norms, the growing amount of interactions around the globe simply makes us more aware of the bewildering plurality of normative systems, and the darker, more repressive side of global integrations compels many groups to assert their own cultural and religious identity in the face of encroaching hegemonic tendencies.

Mehdi et al. Globalization acts both as a catalyst — amplifying longstanding tendencies towards normative pluralism within society — as well as a source of novel normative phenomena, such as those dealing with the regulation of transnational phenomena. For all of these reasons, a global world is simply a world of more rather than less legal pluralism, but a world of legal pluralism nevertheless, much as it has always been.

Globalization tells us that it might be wise to look beyond our usual scope of potential explanations. Notably, it suggests that regional and global forces can be expected to be relevant where this was previously not feasible. Explanations of this kind are often attributed to the role of the social media, e. We can conclude this section with the observation that there is a strong case that globalization is indeed a problem for jurisprudence to the extent that it shares the explanatory aims of socio-legal theory.

The debate sketched in this chapter barely transcends the level of methodology and meta-theory, and further does little to address the merits of either general jurisprudence or its socio-legal alternatives. The methodology-normativity critique discussed in the previous section raised a number of issues about the value of conceptual, analytical jurisprudence traditionally conceived. At odds were different conceptions of what a descriptive theory of law should ultimately deliver: should it make empirically rich generalizations from a circumscribed set of social institutions?

Globalization does not fundamentally change this critique: it has simply become the latest battleground in a longstanding war. It does, however, give the debate renewed vigour. Featherstone, S. Robertson London: Sage, The principal consequence is mainly methodological. Those hoping to learn more about the social world we inhabit and the laws which animate its social life, are well advised to consider the role of global markets, social movements, transnational solidarity groups and many more social forces typically associated with globalization, in addition to the more localized factors that have typically been the focus of social inquiry.

As noted, the first variety of global legal pluralism just described is structurally similar to earlier versions of legal pluralism. It is viewed as a process concerned with normative phenomena more broadly defined, thus including the informal, non-codified and often-unarticulated norms governing specific communities and defined locales. By contrast, the more salient and consequential development is, in the eyes of many, a special kind of global legal pluralism marked by the emergence and subsequent proliferation of a particular kind of normative formation that tends to exhibit a stronger degree of formality, institutionalization and rationalization.

This manifestation of global legal pluralism is characterized by the following features:. The community of norm-makers and norm-subjects frequently extends across the territorial boundaries of the state. The dominant dimension of jurisdictional scope tends to be functional rather than geographical. The nature of modern social interaction is such that almost every sphere of human action — from the economic, to the political and to the cultural — can be conducted with only a minimal regard for the timing and spacing of activities. The relevant norms of the system are frequently formulated, interpreted, applied and adjudicated by non-state actors in addition to more traditional state actors e.

See Niklas Luhmann et al. Many of these systems govern spheres of action that have significant and widespread consequences for the governance of those areas of social life that have, for most of the post-World War II period, been deemed to fall firmly within the purview of the nation-state. Yet most relevant to legal theory is perhaps the fourth element: the fact that many of these global regimes encroach upon domains of social life that had, until recently, been deemed to be the exclusive purview of the state. In a development that has been going on for well over two centuries, society is increasingly dividing itself into distinct spheres of social action, each with its own logic of action and normative system.

Due to the tremendously increased capacity for coordination, transportation and communication across borders, such systems draw together participants from across geographical, political and cultural boundaries. Thus, any given system — say, the global pharmaceutical industry, or a regional network of coffee producers — will depend for its proper functioning on a dense constellation of state laws, informal and tacit guidelines, formalized best practices and codes of conduct, possibly drafted by industry associations and labour unions, standard contracts, etc.

As Teubner and Fischer-Lescano note,. This variant of global legal pluralism thus limits its focus to those phenomena which are transnational and non-state, yet highly formalized and institutionalized, are often operating in fields that have a quasi-public dimension and have, at the very least, a tangible impact on areas of public concern. As such, this conception of global legal pluralism raises a different set of concerns for jurisprudence, to which we now turn. Curiously, this focus has led to a subsequent weakening of the focus on law associated with primary norms, as noted above.

Postema remarks that:. Hart , eds. Kramer et al. Oxford: Oxford University Press, , When jurisprudence studies the law, what is being discussed, in substance, is the practice of legal officials. Contemporary debates in jurisprudence have subsequently focused almost exclusively on the activities of this group, and the principal product of their behaviour: the rule of recognition. Whether it can include references to moral norms or legal principles, whether it is actually a rule or simply a social fact, simple or complex, and much more. This introduces an obvious point of connection with one major aspect of global legal pluralism.

As mentioned above, the phenomenon is remarkable in large part due to the proliferation of institutionalized normative systems that are not coextensive with the law of the state. What can we say about institutionality and law in modern jurisprudence? It is useful to keep in mind that institutionalized normative systems are not peculiar to the modern state. The public law of the late imperial Roman period had well-developed and codified systems of secondary norms, including rules for the establishment of offices for the creation of new laws, prescribing procedures for the appointment of office-holders and providing mechanisms for the adjudication of disputes according to legal norms.

In spite of this, Hart put the institutionalization of law — the establishment of secondary rules to mediate the application of primary rules of behaviour — at the heart of jurisprudence. Although Hart did not go to great lengths to differentiate state legal systems from other institutionalized normative systems in this regard, one of his main assertions is the point that the municipal legal systems of the nation-states are nevertheless unique on account of their own, specific mode of institutionalization. The first contains the distinct identity of the class of agents whose behaviour is constitutive of the rule of recognition, i.

Hart does not go into a great deal of detail concerning the identity of these officials a fact which several critics have latched on to 55 x Notably by Tamanaha, A General Jurisprudence of Law and Society , The second distinctive feature is that Hart implies at various points in The Concept of Law that legal systems play a facilitating role in the creation of other institutional systems. They are, in a sense, conceptually and perhaps empirically, although that is more tenuous prior to other institutionalized systems in society.

Both features suggest that the state legal system is not simply one institutionalized system among others. Rather, it is the principal institutionalized normative system that enables and facilitates the operation of alternative, more limited institutional systems. Although the discursive shift in legal theory away from the nineteenth century focus on norms and coercive enforcement and toward the normative structures that undergird a legal system qua system is primarily due to Hart and, to a lesser extent, Kelsen , it is Joseph Raz who has most explicitly formulated the distinctive nature of the institutionalization of state legal systems and further elaborated on its main features.

This relation is characterized by three features. Second, legal systems are supreme, in that. In other words it claims authority to prohibit, permit, or impose conditions on the institution and operation of all the normative organizations to which members of its subject-community belong. One of the main features of global legal pluralism noted above is the fact that many of the novel transnational regulatory regimes possess a great deal of formal and practical independence from nation-states.

In the words of Saskia Sassen, under conditions of globalization. One synthesizing image we might use to capture these dynamics is that of a movement from centripetal nation-state articulation to a centrifugal multiplication of specialized assemblages. This multiplication in turn can lead to a sort of simplification of normative structures insofar as these assemblages are partial and often highly specialized formations centered in particular utilities and purposes.

For many, the autonomy of functional systems cannot be reconciled with the hierarchical view outlined above. This point is not entirely attributable to globalization, as legal theorists such as Teubner and Luhmann have long advanced and, indeed, Teubner continues to do so in the context of global legal pluralism. What such authors object to, is not so much the assumption that state-law is relevant it clearly is but that it is supreme or that it effectively controls or anchors other social spheres.

Raz has emphasized that the structural features are in some sense conceptually necessary in that they do not always match up with the facts. State legal systems claim supremacy, even when they do not in fact attain it. The key point made in the context of globalization is not simply that supremacy, hierarchy and comprehensiveness are descriptively inadequate. It is to this point that we now turn.

One of the advantages of global legal pluralism, from a scholarly perspective, is the fact that the problem of normative conflict is not simply a theoretical, but a thoroughly practical problem faced by courts and policy makers with a great degree of frequency.

As such, many recent accounts have a strong adjudicative slant to them. Legal scholars have long been interested in the question of recognizing private law making, customary law and the like. Similarly, conflict of laws doctrine is a rich repository of doctrinal thinking concerning the co-existence of different forms of national laws. Such doctrines are still premised on the broad view of state supremacy and a clear hierarchy of legal sources.

In more recent times, debate has focused strongly on cultural rights, in particular whether courts ought to acknowledge the right of minority cultures to enforce norms that run counter to state-law e. Particularly in relation to supranational organizations and courts, such as the EU, ECtHR and ICC, legal scholarship is now replete with discussions of subsidiarity principles, margins of appreciation, complementarity, open methods of co-ordination etc. Undoubtedly the fact that many of the problems of pluralism arise in the institutional context of state courts has fuelled such efforts.

As much is suggested by Patrick Glenn:. The judge, as judge, cannot be a positivist legal philosopher who simply accepts the existence and necessary application of national legal systems, in the face of alternative, reasoned, legal claims. We know this from the practice of judges who accept legal unities other than state law. Two recent works have attempted to outline the implications of these developments for the Hartian-Razian model of institutionalization.

The observation that there are multiple forms of legality within society is not itself new. Indeed, it is a point made by many jurisprudence scholars, including Raz. While it is indeed the case that the regimes emphasized by global legal pluralism are highly specific indeed, their technical and functional character is often their most conspicuous feature , to view such regimes as simply private associations pursuing private ends would be to misjudge their fundamental character.

The strong distinction between state-law as an overarching, public association contrasted with the more limited, private and factional groups that it supports and to which it is superior misses the fact that although many regimes are hyper-specific and technical, they are deeply implicated in questions of public governance.

And as a consequence,. As Peer Zumbansen argues:. This trend goes well beyond the use of market incentives in rules issued by administrative agencies. It also includes partial and sometimes wholesale delegation of certain public functions and responsibilities to the private sector.

According to the authors, this necessitates a shift to an interactional model of legal institutionality:. Yes Bill Posters was up there with the best of them, even well in advance of descendantism…. Paul Krugman resembles a Voodoo doll. But whoa there!!!! We should not be commenting on appearances. Plentiful domestic coal reserves has meant India has long relied overwhelmingly on the highly polluting fossil fuel to power its economy….

So the tactic is to try to stick pins in us, hoping we will be denigrated like war criminals. I also write for Fantasy Book Review. Developed countries — those listed in the Convention as Annex I countries — are expected to contribute more to climate financing and emission reductions than developing nations. Points for authenticity.

Similarly commenting on the necessary outcomes from COP24, But the choice of fossil fuel companies to sponsor the conference casts a long-shadow over such hopes. Climate science still provides hope, but the time for political talk has long gone. People are clamouring for action. Children are walking out of schools, the vulnerable are calling for justice or launching lawsuits and communities are standing up to defend their forests.

Which leader will stand with them and deliver them reasons for hope? How to make coal clean. Or not. We also mean literally! The Katowice Pavillion features genuine coal. What a symbol to send to the world…. The thing screaaaaams falsesolution dangerousdistraction COP IETA care to explain? Our logo is being used without permission and we are not holding any events in their pavilion.

A lounge area PLUS conference rooms! Bigger than most country pavilions! Never been right; check. Never been thoughtful; check. PS Caps brought to you by my pal Andy. But as French President Emmanuel Macron learned over the past three weeks, implementing such taxes can be politically explosive. On Tuesday, France delayed for six months a plan to raise already steep taxes on diesel fuel by 24 cents a gallon and gasoline by about 12 cents a gallon.

Macron argued that the taxes were needed to curb climate change by weaning motorists off petroleum products, but violent demonstrations in the streets of Paris and other French cities forced him to backtrack — at least for now. It was a setback for the French president, who has been trying to carry the torch of climate action in the wake of the Paris accords of December Macron is hardly alone in his frustration. Leaders in the United States, Canada, Australia and elsewhere have found their carbon pricing efforts running into fierce opposition.

But the French reversal was particularly disheartening for climate-policy experts, because it came just as delegates from around the world were gathering in Katowice, Poland, for a major conference designed to advance climate measures. Gregory Mankiw, an economics professor at Harvard University and advocate of carbon taxes. But the median citizen is not. President Bill Clinton proposed a tax on the heat content of fuels as part of his first budget in But Clinton was forced to retreat in the face of a rebellion in his own party.

David L. Boren D-Okla. Policy experts say that to some extent the prospects of carbon taxes may depend on what happens to the money raised. Last year, a group of economists and policy experts — including former treasury secretaries James A. Summers and former secretary of state George P. Shultz — advocated a tax-and-dividend approach…The revenue would be used to pay dividends to households.

Progressive tax rates would mean more money for lower- and middle-income earners… So far the group, called the Climate Leadership Council, has not been able to generate much support from members of Congress…. It also arouses the ire of right-wing populist movements. The German right-wing opposition party Alternative for Germany has called climate change a hoax. And in Brazil, a new populist president had indicated he will develop, not preserve, the Amazon forests that pull CO2 out of the air and pump out oxygen….

Working class people do. But, he added, there would probably be consequences from the popular uprisings against the diesel taxes, which the government has now suspended for six months. The key, said Hulot, is not to impose action on climate change in a technocratic way, in a way that ordinary people do not understand. On that, there is obviously a huge amount of misperceptions and misunderstandings.

The French government are just silly levelling a tax on fuel. No tax, rather a government sanctioned massive scam of taking money from the financially disadvantaged and handing it over to those with financial resources. So you get the influential cashed up group in society, taking government sanctioned payments from those without resources, to benefit from the scheme.

Government orchestrated transfer theft from poor to wealthy is far more palatable than levelling a broad based tax on fuel that goes to government. The cost of solar has plunged 78 percent for utility-scale projects since Over the same period, the cost of wind electricity fell nearly a quarter; the biggest turbines offshore now have arms weighing roughly 35 tons each that stretch nearly two football fields across. Even China is making some progress… Nordhaus advocates a whopping carbon tax, which the Climate Interactive model shows would kill off most coal, sharply reduce driving and boost purchases of more fuel efficient vehicles.

Getting such a carbon tax adopted in the United States, however, is hard to imagine…. In France, President Emmanuel Macron has ignited protests by proposing fuel taxes he says are needed to fight climate change. Every day, the world burns about million barrels, or 4.

Most of that goes into the gasoline tanks of cars and trucks; there are nearly million on the road in the United States alone. The average age of those cars is The math on coal is just as grim. Global coal consumption is running at more than 5 billion tons annually. In the United States alone, coal fills 4. Closing down U. The massive turbines can power , German homes, the company said.

Yet the number of German dwellings grew by , in Cheers, Dave B. So what is Plan B? Twenty years of conferences, reports, intergovernmental meetings, public debate and most important mounting evidence of the early effects of climate change have failed to control or seriously mitigate the risks. It is time to go back to the Paris climate change agreement and think again. The reality is simple and undisputed — hydrocarbons continue to supply about 80 per cent of global energy needs each day, just as they did 10 or 20 years ago.

The only difference is that the absolute amounts behind this percentage have grown. As a result the amount of carbon emitted continues to rise — CO2 emissions are more than 40 per cent higher than they were in , according to figures produced by the International Energy Agency… The situation is serious and getting worse. There is no world government and nationalism is the strongest political force of our times — and so there is no viable collaborative mechanism for tackling global problems….

Medical science rather than politics has largely eradicated polio or other diseases. The answer to climate change will come, if it comes at all, from science, technology and engineering. That should be the subject of the discussion now — it should be scientists rather than politicians who regularly gather to formulate solutions to the challenge…. The first question for them to address is how to focus the numerous efforts being made.

If some states decline to participate, too bad. A coalition of the willing is better than no coalition at all. The exercise should not repeat the mistakes of the political debate over the past 20 years by always waiting for the slowest to catch up. The best answer is to pool resources. Why not establish an investment fund open to subscriptions from both the public and the private sector? No one can predict the results of scientific work, but it is surely better to do something more instead of simply ploughing on with a strategy which has failed. The UN-backed Conference of the Parties, as it gathers this week for the COP 24 in Poland, should start by accepting that reality… As the clock ticks and the risks grow, it is time to try a different tack.

Some of it has involved setting fire to buildings. And there are some pretty unpleasant types among the demonstrators. Macron, a former banker, had set out to persuade the British financial sector to move en masse from London to Paris, partly on the argument that the French capital would be a much more congenial place to live, after the City of London had been cut out of the regulatory embrace and privileges of the European single market.

He had been having some success. Over the past 12 months the price of diesel in France has risen by almost 25 per cent… For all the chaos in British politics as a result of the struggle to get Brexit through Parliament, Theresa May is more popular in Britain than Macron is in France….

He has, more than any other European leader, expressed his own political vision as a direct rebuke to the idea of national self-assertion making him a hero to British anti Brexit campaigners. The point is, however, that, especially in rural France, for which the president has such apparent contempt, the EU is not at all popular, and Frexit would have mass support.

I got a sense of this from my father, Nigel Lawson, who has for many years lived in South West France… Macron understands this very well. But companies must accelerate investment in green solutions. We have a formidable task before us. New data show that climate change may be even worse than we thought when the Paris Climate Agreement was ratified three years ago. The world only has a few years to change course.

The planet is on track to heat up 1. This could raise sea levels by more than a meter and — coupled with increased coral bleaching events — render some islands unlivable. Extreme droughts, floods, wildfires and famine will occur with increasing frequency across the globe, threatening population centers like San Francisco, Bombay, Ho Chi Minh City and Abidjan.

Climate change could also cause the migration of more than million people worldwide. In September, U. Our aim is to mobilize public and private actors to provide additional funding and develop solutions to the climate crisis. The ones that will thrive in the long run are those that innovate green solutions and create jobs for a low-carbon future. The One Planet Summit initiative, launched December in Paris, shows how a coalition of state and nonstate actors can build more-resilient societies. An example of its success: the Caribbean Climate Smart Accelerator, which has gathered 27 countries and 40 global companies to help fund renewable energy projects in the Caribbean.

This has increased demand for a commercial response to climate change across the investment chain. In the coming months, we call on governments, the global business community and financial executives to work with us to help build on these successes with three objectives in mind: First, mobilize public investments in combination with private capital flows to support vulnerable countries and communities. Second, ask companies how they manage climate risks while anticipating the opportunities of a low-carbon future.

Third, promote standardized methods for climate-related disclosure and investment decision-making. The private sector must be prepared to get in the front seat with world governments to avert a climate crash. In September , major government and corporate leaders will convene for another U. This is a policy we announced last year and published in the Herald with the support of the editor-in-chief. This is from May and apologies for the passage of time, but am only new to posting on this site, having been a reader and a sceptic, denier, non-gullible for some long time, but have had this email filed ready to reveal.

So that statement is meaningless.

Great team mates. In , meridian time personnel met in Washington to change Earth time.

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First words said was that only 1 day could be used on Earth to not change the 1 day marshmallow. Andy has a robust style, but he chooses his words judicially. Oh wait, look over there, Anthony Albanese …. Gee a clone or the real thing? Oh dear…AngryG55 will trigger into rapid fire abusive post mode in 5. Still dreaming of me , hey phlip. Flip you need to get over your Andy obsession , maybe just tell him how exactly Co2 is warming the earth ,that will fix him! I had a look at the conference in and it was pretty ordinary, and I fail to see what time has to do with global warming.

The AGW agenda that you and your fellow trolls are an apologists for, threatens to bring down society as we know it, and you expect people to be polite???

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Or is it only the Guardian on the Yarra that espouses that? It makes him feel better. But there are almost no good-faith climate-change deniers alarmists. You know they are out of intellectual arguments when they cave in like this and refuse to engage. The intellectual emperor has no ideas. UKEF has made a number of controversial investments in recent years. Just two days after scientists warned that immediate and drastic action was needed to curb emissions to prevent global warming of more than 1. There is no case for continued export finance support for fossil fuels, and we are confident that Members of Parliament will see that when they look at the evidence.

A combination of reduced energy demand and the changing energy sources mean the UK has already met its carbon emission reduction target for , according to the report. This means the oil and gas sector remains a key component of the Scottish energy system and economy. The news is that China is sending minor players,effectively withdrawing. The numbers of people attending are simply astounding.

Parties and Observer states Non Government organizations Media So how many of the NGOs are skeptical? Where are the skeptics? Now China is out. Again, no traction. Twitter: Micheline Maynard: Journalist, author, professor. Find me forbes abcaustralia medium and elsewhere. Occasional royal commentator. Loves history. Proud alum nytimes npr. The documents filed in court Tuesday make a passing reference to the Logan Act, which prohibits private citizens from interfering in diplomatic disputes with foreign governments.

But no one has ever been convicted under the act, passed in Lawyers, judges, and constitutional scholars regard the law as unconstitutional. Nevertheless, this long dormant law does not apply to members of presidential transition teams who are acting not as private citizens, but as incoming government representatives of the person about to assume the presidency.

They would therefore be constitutionally authorized to conduct foreign affairs. Every president-elect has his transition members engage with foreign governments to prepare for the challenges that lay ahead… Not even Mueller would be foolish enough to bring a case under the Logan Act, especially since Flynn did not interfere in a diplomatic dispute under the meaning of the act…. Flynn should never have been prosecuted. The FBI agents who interviewed him concluded that he was telling the truth. Had Mueller been forced to prove his case in court, he would have lost….

They are sick puppies. Giuliani was right. Yes they will keep up the two year so far dummy spit as long as they can , Trump was elected by the Deplorables not the Russians. Going to be hilarious when he gets elected for a second term I think. Brett Kavanaugh back in the crosshairs… In addition, some Democrats want to bring back Brett Kavanaugh, the newly confirmed Supreme Court justice, for questioning about whether he lied in his testimony before the US Senate…. There was once a description, despicable in my view, of John Howard.

It had to do with lavatories and the flushing of them. JWH stared it down. So will The Don. He said the party needed to resolve tensions between its moderate and right-wing factions and put forward compelling policies on climate and energy. Who cares what Krugman thinks? He is neither a climate scientist nor a moral philosopher.

Brave New World by Aldous Huxley ; chapter three

He is an economist. Why does he think he is qualified to judge either the science of why people are sceptical of that science in a way that is authorative? According to some protesters and social media users, police officers masqueraded as protesters and took part in acts of vandalism during demonstrations in Paris with the goal of discrediting the movement.

However, while the videos show police officers or intelligence officers that are dressed as civilians — which is legal and common during protests in France — nothing in the footage proves that they took part in any acts of vandalism…. We simply dont have the courage of the cheese eating surrender monkeys. So what does that make us? The French, however, have always stood up for France, something Macron appears to have overlooked. French pollies are quickly reminded when their delusions step out of line and begin affecting their peuple, while Oz pollies are afraid of upsetting their delusional voters?

While both men have put the climate atop their agendas, and spent millions promoting awareness and solutions, they could face skepticism in states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania and Michigan, where President Donald Trump won in by promising to protect the coal industry. The Environmental Protection Agency is slated to unveil the measure on Thursday, during an event at its headquarters in Washington, said the person, who was granted anonymity to discuss the proposal before the formal announcement… The EPA proposal will be subject to public comment and could be finalized next year.

Set to debut Dec. Bloomberg, center, viewed solar panels at an electric company in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, on Tuesday. Bloomberg boasted when asked whether a candidate whose top concern is climate change could appeal to voters in the regions like eastern Ohio who helped put President Trump in the White House. Bloomberg said it was well past time to cut coal entirely from the energy picture.

It was reminiscent of a comment that came to haunt Hillary Clinton in , when she said her policies would put many coal miners out of work — a stance diametrically opposed to that of Mr. Trump, who made reinvigorating the coal industry a centerpiece of his economic message…. While touring a company that installs solar panels in Cedar Rapids, Mr. As the protesters were led out by the police, Mr. Bloomberg joked that it was like being back in New York, and said he would meet with them.

Lazarus, a professor of environmental law at Harvard University…. Allison D. Wood, a partner at the law firm Hunton Andrews Kurth who represents several electric utilities, called the forthcoming E. International Energy Agency said on Tuesday that carbon dioxide emissions are set to rise in for the first time in five years.

Germany, another self-declared climate leader, has also run into decarbonization headwinds. A government commission aiming to figure out how the country should phase out the coal that still generates nearly 40 percent of its power was forced to delay issuing its final report by a couple of months thanks to pushback from coal-using eastern German states….

Countries like Turkey, like Saudi Arabia, like Russia, might be second-guessing some of that. After reporters pressed the White House on what that might mean for the Paris Agreement, the Trump administration official suggested that it was because those countries were waffling on whether or not they would stay committed to the agreement. Taxes already make up about 60 percent of the price of fuel in France. Yet they stand as a warning to any government which attempts to tackle climate change by making people poorer.

A draft carried into this conference was a mess of unresolved options. A new version began being released in segments LINK overnight on Tuesday and negotiators were nervously awaiting the full drop. Which parts will have been cut or massaged? And which countries will see their preferences ignored? It depends on things like whether policymakers are prepared to close coal plants before the end of their technical lifespans. This has the explicit aim of encouraging world leaders to submit stronger climate pledges to the UN process by ….

The French have provided an object lesson in the dangers of ploughing on with ecological policy without enrolling the community. Now, it has gone beyond diesel. It is a bittersweet occasion in Zabrze, 20 kilometres from Katowice, since the Makoszowy coal mine — their major employer — closed in How can one man who calls himself an economist be so wrong so much of the time? The rabbits running around the neighborhood in the middle of the night are better economists than krugman.

Heard the defeated former Liberal member for Hawthorn in Victoria, John Pesutto being interviewed about listening to the voters. He said that his 17 year old daughter had joined the student climate change protest. Brainwashed by his own brainwashed child. When will they ever learn?

As an aside, who the hell denies that the planet has a climate? Follow Jo's Tweets. To report "lost" comments or defamatory and offensive remarks, email the moderators at: support AT joannenova. Comments Posts. JoNova A perfectly good civilization is going to waste…. Recent Posts. Advertising The nerds have the numbers on precious metals investments on the ASX Think it has been debunked?

Denying climate change is evil Climate denial is rooted in greed, opportunism and ego. Opposing action for those reasons is a sin. Paul Krugman Denying climate change, no matter what the evidence, has become a core Republican principle. Then he ignores every argument any skeptic ever made: Yes, they are — as long as their arguments are made in good faith.

Mann… As Mann explains, climate denial actually follows in the footsteps of earlier science denial, beginning with the long campaign by tobacco companies to confuse the public about the dangers of smoking. You can see why they might be interested. Big Krug accidentally gives his motives for character assassination away And these motives matter. Another Ian. December 5, at am. Subsidised farmers told to reduce their farm animal numbers. All of the above coming to Australia. Just Thinkin'.

December 5, at pm. What ever you do…. Sam Pyeatte. December 6, at am. Bruce of Newcastle. Greg in NZ. Graeme No. Mark M. December 6, at pm.

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Jo Nova. A little one in the south of France Catalan region, we fly both the Catalan and French flag. They have been in consultation regularly, as Turnbull was on side with Rudd. Two questions I have yet to have answered.. Nothing to worry about in your lifetime, or probably several generations after you.

Fearghal O'Connor: 'Aer Lingus carrot-and-stick approach pushes a little too far'

Apart from political agendas and the threat of totalitarian socialism Does that give you some hope? Michael Crichton I have degrees and many years professional experience in both science and engineering.

1984 By George Orwell (1/3) Audiobook

Does not imply that they think the person was incompetent or the prior work was badly done. He is a Senior Member of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers yet comes up with such as coal is no longer fit for purpose. I have a sneaking suspicion about this. The fallout from that will be extensive. Hmmmm…so they seem to now admit it is a religious war.

  • The Stepmother Tongue: An Introduction to New Anglophone Fiction.
  • The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks.
  • France since 1945?
  • A bit of honesty at last. Mark D. December 7, at am. Pht, another Fire and Brimstone sermon from yet another Lay Preacher. I sure did wish right then that I never mentioned it at all Honestly, I dont understand why I dont wrap myself in a Dogma Sandwich Board and preach as well … probably be better for business if I did.

    Greg Cavanagh. But because something as evil as crimethink is by definition criminal and thus almost certainly committed on purpose for lucre there is only a very small margin for mere shamefulness due to mere error… I hate it when the Inquisition comes to town. The sin is in denying access to the truth that will set us free.

    Peter Fitzroy. You really need to learn to recognise blatant propaganda when its shoved in your face. Some questions for… Q1. It makes you look like a mindless idiot. And a special mention for that test-pattern on legs, David Attenborough. Take that to the bank Fitzroy. Bill In Oz. Environment Skeptic. Useless POTrash Never been right; check.

    Tides of Mudgee. Ray from time cube was banned too In , meridian time personnel met in Washington to change Earth time. So funny, your poor attention-seeking little child. So hilariously pathetic. Your reputation was already mud, you have just made it worse. Yep, imagine what would happen on an AGW site if these 3 questions were posted although they would never be allowed.. Do you have any empirical evidence that atmospheric CO2 causes warming.

    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks
    The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks The Regulatory State in an Age of Governance: Soft Words and Big Sticks

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