Palestinians have held weekly protests beginning on March 30 near the fences along the eastern perimeter of the Gaza Strip. Ayman al-Sahabani, the head of the emergency department at al-Shifa Medical Complex in Gaza City, told Human Rights Watch that on May 14 alone the hospital received about patients, most with bullet wounds to the legs, and 18 people who were dead on arrival. Many of the injuries are life-changing, according to medical personnel. From March 30 to May 23, 40 people shot by Israeli forces, including at least three children, needed a limb amputated, 10 of whom lost a leg above the knee, according to information reported by the Gaza Health Ministry and other medical sources to the World Health Organization.
The Israeli military chief of staff, Lt. On March 30, the Israeli military, using live ammunition, killed 17 Palestinians, 12 of them demonstrators, and wounded hundreds. Protesters announced further demonstrations for the following Friday, April 6. Israeli officials argued that Hamas directed protesters to cross the fences so that armed fighters could run through the breach to kill or kidnap Israeli civilians or soldiers.
The Israeli military spokesperson, Lt. In its efforts to justify the use of live ammunition to prevent Palestinians from crossing the fences, the government claimed in court to be following an open-fire policy that does not appear to account for the amounts of live ammunition used. The government stated that the orders do not permit live fire against a person because he is near the fences, took part in demonstrations, or supports Hamas. In fact, Israeli forces appear to have routinely exceeded these restrictions, firing from behind sand mounds and the fences separating Gaza and Israel at demonstrators in many cases more than meters away.
Palestinians in Gaza are protected persons under the Geneva Conventions. Willful killings of protected persons by the occupying power outside what is permissible under human rights standards would constitute a grave breach of the laws of occupation. The prohibition of war crimes and crimes against humanity can be the basis for individual criminal liability in international courts, as well as in domestic courts in many countries under the principle of universal jurisdiction.
In total, from March 30 to June 2, the Gaza Ministry of Health reported that hospitals in Gaza received Palestinians who were wounded in the head or neck, and in the chest or back.
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The protesters were separated from the soldiers by the two fences and electronic sensors. One witness said he was aware of a person who had joined the May 14 protests while carrying a firearm, but apparently did not fire it because members of Hamas warned him that doing so could prompt Israeli soldiers to target the area.
Another man said that four members of an armed group had attempted to attack Israeli forces east of Jabalya, by concealing guns until they reached the first fence, where they fired at Israeli forces positioned behind sand mounds about 80 meters away, before being shot fatally. Israeli forces killed at least 17 people in that area on May Witnesses consistently described the positioning of Israeli soldiers across the fences that separate Israel and Gaza, atop large earthen mounds overlooking the area where protesters congregated.
The mounds were 10 to 30 meters apart, with 5 to 10 soldiers on each one. A freelance photojournalist, Mahmoud Abu Salama, 33, was covering demonstrations in an area east of Jabalya called Abu Safiyya, in the northern Gaza Strip, about meters from the fences, where he saw a man shot in the groin at around noon on May 14, and a boy shot in the leg at about p. Human Rights Watch has a photo he took of the boy. Abu Salama said:. I still hear the voices of people who were screaming after being shot. One man was launching stones with a slingshot, he was just a meter-and-a-half from me when he was shot in the groin.
The boy was also close to me when he was shot in his leg. I saw him while he was escaping from the teargas and running away with his back to the fence when they shot him. Mohammad Meqdad, 39, a civil defense worker, spoke to Human Rights Watch while awaiting surgery at al-Shifa hospital on May Wearing an orange, reflective vest, like other civil defense workers, he had been evacuating wounded people east of Gaza City to ambulances throughout the morning on May 14, he said. At around p.
My face was toward the fence. I was able to see soldiers on hills of sand and those hills were higher [on May 14] than they were on previous protest days. On each of the hills, there were about 10 soldiers. There were guys closer to the fence who were burning tires, chanting for Jerusalem, and throwing stones, but others were shot who were much farther away. The last people I evacuated before I was shot were three women, all in their late 20s, who were shot in the neck or in the head.
They had been carrying flags and chanting, they were in a group of women that was about meters from the fence, behind a group of men who were closer than they were to the fence. I evacuated one, and then another got shot, and then the other, over 5 or 10 minutes.
He said that he had been helping three civil defense workers evacuate wounded protesters east of Gaza City at 1 p. They were about meters from the fences at the time, al-Ay said. The Palestinian rights group Al Mezan reported that four paramedics were shot with live ammunition on May Al-Ay was shot in the back later that afternoon in the same area, while he was trying to reach a young man who had been shot, who he later learned was an year-old named Ahmad al-Zarqa:.
I saw a man was bleeding and walked toward him slowly. My back was toward the fence, no one was around me, throwing stones or anything else. Then a bullet hit my back from the right side and exited through my chest. I was about meters away from the fence. Two civil defense men were near me and pulled me behind a wall [for cover from gunfire], and another guy took my phone and called my family.
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Al-Ay said that he did not burn tires or throw stones. There were a large number of martyrs.
Abu Hadayed had gone to the protests with Ramzi al-Shakhreet, the supervisor at his media company, Truth Pioneers Network. He was shot while he was taking photos. Al-Shakhreet also told Human Rights Watch that he saw two other protesters shot at around 1 p. A man in his 50s had approached to within 15 meters of the steel fence, waving a Palestinian flag, when he was shot in the head and apparently died instantly.
On April 6, Israeli forces had fatally shot another journalist, Yasser Murtaja, in the abdomen between and in the afternoon while he was covering demonstrations east of Khan Yunis. Murtaja was holding a digital camera and had told al-Najar he was filming a documentary about the weekly demonstrations. He said he was running away from teargas and shooting and was about meters from the fences east of Gaza City when he was shot in the leg at about 2 p.
Five were shot in the head or neck, and two in the abdomen. Samer Nasser, 23, said he was part of a group east of Jabalya that was throwing stones and trying to approach the barbed-wire fence to cut it with wire-cutters when a man near him was shot in the arm. I was bleeding for 15 minutes, and had to crawl until I reached a woman who helped me. In the video she is shown seeking cover behind a rock, gesturing to Nasser and encouraging him to crawl toward her.
Barakat was also taking shelter behind the rock. Barakat confirmed that the wounded man whom Nasser had put on his tuk tuk died before he could be evacuated. By alluding to her own experiences as a participant observer in different sites where the supporters of the Gulen movement interacted with others and with each other, Turam problematizes the assumed tolerance of the Gulen movement by way of demonstrating the contradictions movement supporters show in private and public spheres. The interesting thing is not that this was news to this author; rather, it is that the theorizing provided by the author for these contradictions is unique.
According to Turam, these contradictions are reconciled within movement. In a way, supporters of the Gulen movement have accepted the fact that they have different roles they play. In Chapter 3, the reader learns more about the importance of education in both the Republican and the Islamist projects in Turkey, and there is almost a constant contestation over students. What is interesting about the schools of the Gulen movement is that this instillation takes place not through what is taught in classes but through extra-curricular activities p. Gulen schools have the latest technology available to students and scientific Downloaded by [Kerala University Library] at 03 March teaching is of great importance.
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Despite the non-religious curriculum followed in these schools, hard-core seculars persistently rejects the utility of them in both Turkey and abroad. As Turam discusses in detail pp. This is due mostly to the presence of Ataturk corners in these schools as well as the non-religious curricular activity. Chapter 4 discusses the most cooperative undertaking between the secular actors and the supporters of the Gulen movement to date. This in turn created a synergy between these actors and the secular Republicans. Simply the interests of both actors converged.
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Whereas the Gulen movement was trying to consolidate its network and expand its influence in both Muslim and Turkic societies, the military and other secular actors in Turkey wanted to curb a possible Iranian influence in the region. In fact, when it became clear that the idea to establish a regional Turkic community under the leadership of Turkey proved to be an elusive goal, the cooperation between the Gulen movement and the secular Republican actors ended as quickly as it was flourished in the first place.
Chapter 5 is about one of the most divisive issues in secularism versus Islamism debate: women. Even the elite women, however, have been kept outside of the power circles. For the Islamists, educated women meant better mothers, better wives, and thus, better service to the movement.
The same thing cannot be said about the women of the Gulen movement. However, the seeming internalization of their primary role in the private sphere by these women may make it harder to get representation in public sphere, and among political power circles. Her analysis has led this reviewer to believe that she was able to remain an objective, if not neutral, participant-observer in meetings and private and public gatherings.
Although in general the book is an excellent example of a social scientific inquiry, it has a number of major and minor weaknesses. In fact, the chapter about AKP, especially considering the developments that took place after the book went to press, makes the nicely constructed arguments of the author less coherent.
The book would have benefited greatly had there been more theorizing about the state, which is considered mostly monolithic by the author, and its different branches. Despite these weaknesses, Between Islam and the State is an extremely important contribution to our understanding of the complicated relationship between the state and Islamic political actors in Turkey. AKP became the first Islamist-oriented party in Turkey to be shut off from politics despite being alleged to have undermined the secular structure of Turkey by allowing women to wear hijabs in the institutions of higher education of Turkey.
The central question in Secularism Confronts Islam is the compatibility between Islam and secularism as manifested in European, particularly French, society. Both models, Roy contends, are undergoing reassessment and he seems to find faults with aspects of both. He is of the view, rightly, that the acceptance of Muslim communities living in the West of the principle of separation between religion and the state is genuine and sincere and that it would be very far-fetched to entertain the idea that they have some design with regard to the political order.
While there is no doubt that Muslims living in the West have accepted secularism in terms of separation between church and state and that this was, as Roy claims, a conscious political decision, it is questionable whether there is a process of secularization in terms of culture and values. That there is a renewal in the Muslim world, even manifestations of a burgeoning reformation, there is no doubt but this process is not akin to what had taken place in Europe in the period which followed the Renaissance.
This supports the view that Muslims can modernize while remaining faithful to the basic tenets of their religion and lends credence to the discourse of multiple modernities. This dissonant relationship which Islam has with modernity seems to be responsible for an important issue which Roy deals with in his book which has to do with redrawing the boundaries between Left and Right, conservative and liberal. While the Left has traditionally supported the rights of minorities it now seems to differentiate between ethnic and religious minorities and adopts hard-line positions with regard to Islam, sometimes more radical than the extent to which Downloaded by [Kerala University Library] at 03 March Conservatives are willing to go.
While the religious Right traditionally opted for a more cautious and exclusionary approach with regard to Muslims it now finds itself in a defacto alliance with Muslim fundamentalists against the liberals when it comes to voting about matters of moral and societal relevance. Notwithstanding, this small book has some penetrating analysis about the challenges which Muslim communities living in Europe have to face and some of the responses which they are coming up with.
It also goes a long way towards deconstructing the myths and fears about Muslim presence in the West. Politicization of Islam in Turkey in the s started to be remarkable by the rallies of veiled young women in front of the universities to protest the ban on the headscarf and to enjoy their constitutional right to education. Although the headscarf meant nothing but an ordinary religious obligation for any pious Muslim woman as Islamist women suggest, it symbolized a threat against the republican regime, which requires the regulation of the public sphere and the public institutions in line with modern secular principles rather than Islamic obligations.
Since then the headscarf dispute turned out to be a hard case in Turkish politics, dividing people into two camps as secularists and Islamists.
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Will the headscarf in universities as a Trojan horse obliterate secular establishments from within? Does Islam, which is politicized by the Justice and Development Party, constitute a threat against national unity and modern foundations of Turkey? All in all, however, he aims at showing compatibility of Islam with modern establishments. Instead, Karpat in the Politicization of Islam shows the role of Islam for preserving cultural identity and resisting to the Western assaults in the making of a new state and nation.
Claiming to offer a full-fledged narrative of the transformation of the Ottoman state and society, Karpat tries to include almost all factors, global and local alike that shape the transformation of the Ottoman state and society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Rather, Karpat believes, Islamism at that time was an ideology of regeneration, modernization and mobilization of the Muslim populations for both self-defense against the colonial Europe and self-renewal and progress p. The first chapter explores the popular roots of Islamism in the last decades of the Ottoman Empire.
Here the main argument is that one hardly understands the last decades of the Ottoman Empire without knowing the nature of revivalist movements in the Islamic world. It is convincingly clarified that the revivalist movement emerges as a response to the capitalism, European occupation as well as the reforms of the Ottoman state itself. It will be faulty, if one considers contemporary Islamist revivalism as the extension of the nineteenth-century revivalism. The second chapter continuously deals with the precursors of pan-Islamism, by underlining that the idea of Islamic unity remained an alien concept to Muslim rulers until the nineteenth century, despite the pervasive feeling of religious communality and brotherhood among the mass of believers p.
In the chapters from 13 to 17, Karpat looks into the formation of modern nationhood and the making of Turkishness as an identity replacing the religious one. What is to be done, however, is to compromise on the ground that secularists should acknowledge the Muslim identity of the nation whereas the Islamists should express their loyalty to Kemalism and the republican regime. Put it briefly, based upon an intense knowledge of history, politics and religion in the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey, The Politicization of Islam of Kemal Karpat has an appeal crossing disciplinary boundaries.
Yet, having the support of almost half of the electoral demos, the AKP has no intention to retreat the political sphere without fighting at all. The book consists of seven evenly divided chapters. The first three chapters focus on the Ottomans. The rise and fall of a great Empire was clearly elucidated in terms of economic, military and political aspects. The fourth chapter elaborates on the Kemalist era from to In fact, these principles were critical in understanding the general political problems of the country.
And Ahmad gives the genealogy of everlasting conflict between Kemalists and Islamists whose rising power in the last decade as well as the affect of new global politics on the nation-states, proliferation of ethnic separatism Kurdish question and emergence of supra-national institutionalisation EU threaten the foundational principles of Turkey, which in turn experience identity problems and democratic deficits. They also explain international factors that affected the country such as the cold war, NATO membership and Cyprus question. A new constitution was prepared and This observation is so accurate that the current composition of the Turkish parliament once again fortifies it in Apart from opening multiple doors into Turkish landscape, Ahmad enumerates valuable reading lists at the end of each chapter for readers who would already know which would be the true steps to Downloaded by [Kerala University Library] at 03 March deepen their knowledge.
On the other hand, since the book is well-written, lucid and informative any reader who wants to get a perspective on a Muslim country, which is knocking the door of the European Union in the age of Islamophobia should have a look at it. Her approach towards dealing with the Palestinian— Israeli conflict from a historical— political and quasi-narrative point of view has been highly engaging and unique as far as the ability to integrate newspaper and current media resources into her work is concerned.
The book is divided into seven main chapters with many subdivisions. Chapter one deals with the impact of the formation of the state of Israel on the Arab people. As she mentions, Arab military spending alone stood at 7. Karmi provides an exhaustive account of the various moves undertaken by the Israelis to destabilise and fractionalise the Arab world. In chapter three, Karmi tries to analyse why the West supports Israel so blindly. She traces the evolution and development of Christian Zionism in the West, and especially in its initial power house in the UK.
She narrates how her attempt to lobby British Labour politician Tony Benn on Palestine, during the s backfired on the basis of his preconceived notions about Israel and the Jews, religious ideas which had been inculcated in him and countless other British and Western oriented Christian people as small children in Sunday school. Karmi includes a particularly detailed description of the so-called Hebron Agreement that partitioned the Old City between the Palestinians and the Israelis in a highly unequal agreement.
The only way to achieve Palestinian aims was to hoodwink it into entering a process, which, despite itself, would ultimately end in a Palestinian state. Only brute force and maintaining superior military strength would bring this about. A Jewish majority was essential to the existence of the Jewish state, and it had to be preserved at all costs. Many of these organisations came into being as a result of the outbreak of the second Intifada, popularly known as the Al-Aqsa Intifada. The author was familiar with the inner workings of many of these groups, being a member of some of them herself.
All that was required was the political will on both sides to carry this idea through p. This book forms part of her attempt at reaching an audience of like-minded people with this message, thereby seeking to prepare the ground should such a policy be adopted by both opposing factions in the conflict. Both during and after the war, Iran devoted serious efforts to the production, representation and preservation of the culture of war farhang-e jang and the culture of the front farhang-e jebheh.
When images of war form shocking reminders of what had actually occurred they become references for future generations.
Carefully preserved in folklore and enthroned as tradition, these images can be invoked for political purposes that transcend party and class factionalism, and serve to unite the nation in a supreme sacrifice in the national interest. The first serious documentary films to address these subjects were made shortly after the war by Seyed Morteza Avini and his crew. The films created by Seyed Morteza Avini and his crew are the only genuine eyewitness testimonies to the war, its warriors and their innocent souls on the war fronts.
Each night the main Iranian national television channel screened one part of these direct reports from the war fronts together with live interviews with soldiers. No Iranian living in Iran during that period can claim not to remember this series.
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